The Quran in the South Indian Linguistic World

In Vernacular Literature, Local Teachings, and Customary Practices

This article explores engagements with the Quran in the Mappila Muslim community, a prominent Muslim minority community in South India that has carried a long-standing tradition of transmitting Islamic knowledge across the Indian Ocean world for centuries. Islam in Malabar and the Mappila Muslim community is different from what one might understand of it from the heartland of Islam, especially Middle East–centric Islam. The following, a mixture of both textual analysis and field immersion, focuses on the Malabar region, one of the coastal areas of the Indian Ocean littoral, which was subject to myriad Muslim network formations through the exchanges of Islamic doctrines and Muslim practices. I intend to examine the literature, teachings, and practices of the Quran in this region, and to demonstrate the diversity of Islam as a civilizational entity that has both a dominant mainstream order of things as well as much broader peripheral forms.

There are two different areas related to the Quran and the Mappila Muslim community: Quranic literature, and Quranic teaching and practise. This article first undertakes a brief textual study on the Quran in vernacular literature, mainly in mainstream Malayalam and Arabimalayalam languages. Second, it offers a local case study based on Quran schools, often called Madrasa and mosque-centric Islamic schools in the region. Besides considering the local customary practices that regard the Quran as a text and object of veneration, there is also the practice of using the Quran for spiritual healing in the local Sufi-centric everyday life in Malabar.

Finally, the focus is on the Sunni-Sufi schools because of the availability of extensive sources on them in literature. I exclude the reformist/progressive/Salafi Quran schools and the people who adhere to such centres in Malabar, especially in the discussion of Quranic practices, because the Sunni-Sufi community strictly follows Quranic practices, rather than Salafi-oriented Muslims. However, I often bring in the legal and theological debates over some issues, such as the translation of Quranic verses into local vernacular languages and certain customary practices in the light of the Quran.

The Quran in Local Malayalam and Arabimalayalam Literature

As elsewhere in the Muslim world, the Quranic literature in Malabar has diverse specifications and functions. Here, Quranic literature denotes the literary works written in the shadow of the Quran. The Mappila Muslim community inherited a potential spirit of engaging with the Quran beyond its traditionally held role as a recital text of devotional words, so a different type of literary genre developed. Nevertheless, along with local specificities, this literature has played a crucial role in networking the wider Muslim interconnectivity across the Indian Ocean, a space of wider sea networks where Islamic doctrines and Muslim discourses have been exchanged since the first decade of Islam in Mecca and Medina.¹ While Quranic literature bears significant responsibility to form, inform, and reform the everyday local life of Mappila Muslims, it has also contributed to opening up the semantic strength of the Quranic verses, as Toshihiko Izutzu’s philosophical entry into Quranic studies highlights.

Quranic literature in the South Indian Muslim context has been written in different literary genres. Translations of the Quran, written in both local Malayalam and Arabimalayalam languages, form the major type of Quranic literature. In addition, local studies—such as books and articles about Quranic history, Quranic stories, recitation rules, and academic studies on different aspects of the Quran—are also a dominant field. Beyond these two categories, Qur’anic narratives in secular Malayalam-language popular literature constitute an important dimension of contemporary Malabar’s engagement with the Qur’an. In this genre, contributors include secular Muslims and non-Muslims who are renowned figures in mainstream Malayalam literature.

Translations of the Quran are the most popular literary genre in South India and are widely used by local Muslims in daily life. In Malabar’s Sufi-centric social system, however, these translations also function as customary tools for spiritual healing. All translations are written in the vernacular Arabimalayalam language—a traditional fusion of Indo-Dravidian Malayalam and Arabic languages commonly used. Unlike vernacular Malayalam, Arabimalayalam uses Malayalam pronunciation with formal Arabic letters and some additional specific letters introduced by early Muslim scholars in South India.

Arabimalayalam is considered the official literary language of the Mappila Muslim community and has been used to write religious texts as well as Quranic translations. The collection of such Quran translations is called eedu (“collection”). Senior Quran teachers would recite verses and explain their meanings to students. This was transmitted through oral tradition rather than written textual form. The oral tradition of Quran translation also enabled engagement with local political administration under major Hindu rulers and trade partnerships with foreigners in the Indian Ocean.¹ Thus, both the land and the sea played a crucial mediating role in bringing the essence of Islamic knowledge, through which the Quran and Quranic discourses were also transported.

Debates over Qur’an translation divided the Mappila Muslim community into two sects. Some orthodox ‘ulama, trained and practising in local Islamic schools, strongly opposed attempts to translate Godly words into local vernacular languages; the reformists were strictly against this orthodox position. Numerous legal and theological factors underlie this religious sectarianism, and issues related to the Quran sit at the intersection. The so-called orthodox followers are called Paaramparya Muslims (Traditional Muslims), or Sunni Muslims, whereas reformist Muslims are known as Puroogamana Muslims (Progressive Muslims), or Salafi Muslims. The orthodox ‘ulama adhere to the Shafi and Ash’ari schools of thought and follow Sufi orders such as Qadiri, Nakshabandi, and Shadhili, whose predecessors absorbed influences from the wider Hadrami diaspora.² According to their Islamic legal proceedings under the Shafi school, such translation acts are bid’a al-dalalah (“heretical innovation”). At the same time, reformist ‘ulama criticised that orthodox claim and started producing Quran translations in both Malayalam and Arabimalayalam languages. Reformist scholars included adherents of the Egyptian Salafi movements, Saudi Wahhabism, and the South Asian Jam’at-e-Islami movement. These scholars learned and taught modern Quran literature of Rashid Rida (d. 1935), Sayyid Qutub (d. 1966), and Abul A’la Maududi (d. 1979) with the objective of reforming the existing Mappila community, moving beyond the traditionally held orthodox views.³

Mohyuddin ‘Abdul Qadir, alias Mayin Kutty Elaya (d. 1888), was a reformist scholar who published the first Quran translation. His six-volume Tarjumatu Tafasiril Quran was written in local Arabimalayalam. The first volume was published in 1289 AH/1872 CE in Talassery, the second in 1291 AH/1874 CE, and the rest in 1294 AH/1877 CE.⁴ Rather than a direct translation of Quranic verses, the author attempted to explain the meaning of each verse with supplementary support from Tafsīr al-Jalālayn. Later, many reformist scholars such as Karupakam Veettil Abdullah Kutty (d. 1896), Konkanamveettil Ibrahim bin Cheriya Bava (d. 1905), C. N Ahmed Maulavi (d. 1994) and many others, worked on and published different models of translation, now renowned Quran translators in South India. There were also numerous attempts to translate major Tafsir works into Malayalam. Additionally, prominent Sunni educational boards published primary and upper primary textbooks for Quran and Quranic studies, including abridged versions of various notable texts of Tafsir, Tajwid, and ʿUlūm Al-Quran.

Local Malayalam literature addressed Quranic themes in various literary genres. Many works were written and published as poetry, stories, and screenplays for drama. Renowned Malayalam literary figures such as Vallathol Narayana Menon (d. 1968), P. Kunjiraman Nair (d. 1978), Yusuf Ali Kechery (b. 1934), Vaikkam Muhammad Basheer (d. 1994), N. P. Muhammed (d. 2003), P. A. Muhammad Koya Pallikkara (d. 1990), and V. P. Muhammed (d. 1988) are among the most celebrated contributors, having written poems and stories based on various ethical themes and stories in the Quran. Along with these, a large number of books and pamphlets were published as part of local ‘academic study’ of the Quran. Most of these works were written by local ‘ulama, Quran teachers, local historians, as well as well-established academics working in academic institutions. All of these works were published mainly for local Mappila Muslims and the people of Kerala (whose native language is Malayalam, often called ‘Malayali’ or ‘Mallu’ by others). These works not only engaged with topics such as the history of the Quran, stories within it, rules of Quran recitation, but also comparative studies of the Quran with the Bible, early Hindu scriptures and modern science, philosophical and philological studies, and contemporary issues concerning the Quran.

Teaching in Traditional Islamic Schools and Customary Practices

Much has been written about Islamic religious schools in the Muslim world. Many studies highlight the cohesiveness between the textual corpora of Islamic tradition and the lived experiences of Muslim societies and how centres mediate Islam between its normative forms and folk realities.

Islamic education centres vary widely across societies, and their pedagogy and structure often undergo major transformations in response to social change. A universal approach to teaching Islam is hardly possible. The production and reproduction of knowledge play a central role in Islamic societies, affirming and reaffirming religious authority. Thus, the madrasa and other specialised learning centres are closely tied to power and authority.⁵

Like in many other regions, in South Asia an Islamic educational centre is known as a madrasa. For centuries, it has played a significant role in the social and intellectual formation of Islamic discourses.⁶ The word madrasa is derived from the Arabic root dars, meaning “to study,” and literally translates as “place of study.” A madrasa may refer to institutions ranging from preschools to higher education centres granting certification in Islamic studies.⁷ Memorization of the Qur’an is an important part of the curriculum; children often begin at an early age and typically complete the entire text within three or four years. Subjects usually begin with foundational Islamic studies at the elementary level and later expand into other branches of Islamic sciences. The curriculum generally includes the Qur’an, hadith, law, Arabic language, grammar, theology, philology, and related fields.

The ultimate aim of learning all these sciences is the study of the Quran. Graduates of a madrasa are generally known as an alim, and students who have memorized the Quran are known as hafiz. The process of memorizing important texts and spiritual prayers is widespread in the Muslim world and can be considered a distinctive feature of Islamic societies since the early days of Islam.⁸

Madrasas in South Asia vary in character depending on their lineage and tradition. In North India, they focus particularly on Qur’an and hadith studies, with special emphasis on Hanafi jurisprudence.⁹ South Indian madrasas concentrate more on law and Qur’anic studies, especially Qur’anic exegesis. Early Qur’an study centres in the Malabar region were known as Oothupallis (“recitation centres”). These served as primary education centres for learning the Arabic alphabet and canonical Qur’an recitation. Each student used a polished wooden slate on which the teacher wrote verses daily with natural chalk or charcoal sticks. This method remained common in South India, especially Malabar, until the nineteenth century. Over time, Oothupallis developed into a more organised school system with formal syllabi, class divisions, and qualified ‘ulama trained in reputed madrasas. In these institutions, Qur’anic studies were given priority in the curriculum. Admission to a primary madrasa usually begins at age three, with basic Qur’anic learning continuing until about age fifteen for both boys and girls. The syllabus also includes law and theology.

In South Indian Muslim contexts, the madrasa is regarded as the primary Islamic educational centre. Higher education is provided in the dars—exclusive institutions based in mosques across Malabar villages. Students who complete primary Islamic education may enter a dars and continue their studies for seven to ten years, after which graduates are known as musliyars. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the structure and pedagogy of these schools underwent major transformations. Since then, new institutions have been established under names such as Arabic College, Shari‘ah College, and Dawa College. Nevertheless, Qur’anic studies remain central to the system.

Qur’anic studies in these institutions consist of two main branches: canonical Qur’anic recitation (‘ilm al-qira’at) and Qur’anic exegesis (tafsir al-qur’an). Only officially certified trainers—holders of an authentic isnad—are authorized to teach recitation.¹⁰ Such certified reciters are known as qari. Qur’an recitation incorporates variations reflecting tribal and linguistic differences. The ultimate aim of the science of canonical recitation is to preserve these variations while ensuring correct recitation, transmitting the authentic oral tradition faithfully from mouth to mouth.¹¹

Qur’anic exegesis is regarded as the most difficult subject in South Indian madrasas and is taught only after students acquire advanced knowledge in other Islamic sciences such as grammar, logic, law, and theology. Unlike these other sciences, Qur’anic studies follow diverse intellectual and historical trajectories that can be traced from revelation to transcription.¹² The ‘ulama teach exegesis only to students who have mastered these prerequisite subjects, aiming to establish it as a science that investigates the deeper meanings of the holy text.¹¹

Alongside other pedagogical approaches, traditional Qur’an schools and madrasas emphasize historical and semantic perspectives, aligning with broader intellectual explorations of the Qur’anic sciences.¹³ The prominent commentator al-Baydawi declared:

“The greatest of all sciences in value and the highest of them in merit and guidance is the science of Qur’anic exegesis, which is the chief and head of all religious sciences and the basis and foundation of all revelatory principles. No one is fit to take it in his hand and step forth to expound it except someone steeped in all the religious sciences, both their rational foundations and their legal details, and who excels in all the sciences of the Arabic language and all of the linguistic arts.”

Major classical tafsir texts widely taught in madrasas include Tafsir al-Jalalayn, Tafsir al-Baydawi, Tafsir Abu Sa‘ud, Tafsir Jami‘ Ahkam al-Qur’an (Qurtubi), and Tafsir al-Dayini.

In some Sufi traditions, Qur’anic verses are used as cures for diseases, employing both physical and spiritual methods. Prescribed chapters or verses are often recited a specific number of times with a set intention. At times, verses are recited over water or food items such as dates and dried fruits, which are then consumed. Verses may also be written on a plate with ink or water, and the water drunk for healing. Similar traditions exist in West African Islamic societies, especially around Senegambian Qur’an schools and madrasas.¹⁴ Recent anthropological studies, such as Rudolph Ware’s work on Senegambian Qur’an schools and Abdullahi Osman El-Tom’s research on the “Drinking Qur’an” in Sudan, have highlighted these practices. Mappila Muslims likewise follow such customs within local vernacular traditions,¹⁵ where Qur’anic verses are used as remedies for personal and social calamities. This Qur’anic healing method remains popular in everyday Sufi communities as a means of protection from evil and misfortune.

These customary practices extend the role of the Qur’an beyond being a mere text; it is believed to generate internal power. In many Islamic societies, the Qur’an in book form—the Mus’haf—is treated as an object of sanctity. Similarly, in Malabar, text veneration is widespread, with the Qur’an regarded as the most revered text, much like in other Sufi traditions worldwide.¹⁶ These practices, alongside the educational functions of Qur’an schools, invite reflection on the process of “embodiment of text,”¹⁴ the internalization of the Qur’an beyond its literal words. Even Qur’an teaching and madrasas are imbued with spiritist and devotional elements, aiming to cultivate ideal human beings through both education and mystical practice. This embodiment—through memorizing the Qur’an, drinking written verses, and using it for healing—renders the Qur’an present in social life and underscores its all-encompassing role in everyday Muslim existence.

Such healing practices are especially prominent among Qadiri Sufi orders, notably within South Asian Islam.¹⁷ Though transmitted through Sufi schools, they remain widely accepted within Sunni Islamic traditions. This Malabar experience invites a re-examination of the Qur’an’s role in local Muslim life.

The Everyday Life of a Textual Quran

How does the Qur’an enter into the everyday engagements of Islamic societies? What are the trajectories of those exchanges? These questions can be approached through an understanding of Qur’anic engagements in local culture, its influence on vernacular literary activities, and its role in customary practices. Yet the periphery of the “living Qur’an” would not have been possible without the educational phenomenon of the Qur’an itself. Across Islamic societies, communities preserve different versions of the stories that underlie the possibilities of the Qur’an in shaping a lifeworld.

Within the Mappila Muslim community, the predominant littoral space of the Indian Ocean World, Qur’anic engagements in everyday Islam take distinctive forms. Local reproductions of Qur’an-based literature, customary practices, and teaching traditions bear traces of cross-cultural influence through the Mappila Muslims’ exchanges with Arab and African Islamic societies of the Indian Ocean littoral.

The text is not confined to the written word but engages realities beyond itself. When divine inspiration enters the domain of text, it becomes a form of spiritual action. In this process of appropriation, the Qur’an functions as the central text guiding the everyday life of believers. The community engaged with Qur’anic knowledge rooted in the heartland of Islam while simultaneously producing and reproducing distinct forms of Qur’anic literature and veneration. Through exchange, communication, and adaptation, the Qur’an spread widely, with schools and madrasas in South India playing a pivotal role in shaping Islamic life through the Qur’an.

Taken together, historical examples and everyday practices of the Mappila Muslims reveal the Qur’an as the focal point of Islamic development, through which the community nurtured its identity in a predominantly non-Muslim environment. These engagements unfolded largely outside the apparatus of modernity; modernization has not exerted an overwhelming influence on local Qur’anic traditions in Malabar. Sufi communities, in particular, serve as important custodians of this “localized Qur’an” in the Indian Ocean rim. Local literature inspired by Qur’anic values and customary practices illuminates the pathways through which identity was shaped by invoking the Qur’an’s ethical spirit. The role of Qur’an schools and madrasas in imparting the text is likewise central, acting as mediators of its socialization within the Mappila community.

More than any single form of study, the Qur’an in the Indian Ocean peripheries is best understood through a “thalassology of the Qur’an,” one that examines both its textual expressions and its living practices in the region—where people and the Qur’an continually meet across historical circumstances.

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Photo Credit: Mubashir Ahmet

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